The demonstrations of July 11 were the first great autonomous and democratic movement of Black and poor Cubans since 1959.
Cuba was once part of the longstanding Latin American tradition that sets apart political conduct and avoids reducing it to common crime.
The call to “unity” around the Castro government has become ever more urgent with the gradual but definitive increase of Internet access, especially among the youth, the professional and technocratic strata, and among those with a university education…
The inevitable question has been haunting me: Why pick up another book about Che Guevara? It now joins with other urgent questions: What did the left do or not do to bring us to the current dark juncture? Could Cuba’s revolution have developed differently, and what would that have meant for world history? What vision does Che still have to offer?
According to radical socialists, the course of our destiny is to insist on the same model and to make concessions to Capitalism but just as a temporary measure, which they will then be overcome once conditions are more favorable. According to extremist liberals, all we need is democracy, a multi-party system and liberal capitalism, because everything will be miraculously fixed with these magic ingredients. For moderates, there are many different options.
Mainstream critics have for some time been arguing for the establishment of a free-market economy, which they present as the only “rational” alternative to the bureaucratic economic management of Communist Party rule.
They refuse to adopt a critical standpoint because of their shared anti-imperialist struggle, for “society” trying to build a better world and out of fear for losing the refuge this protector State gives those who take part in this fight.
I am glad that Rafael Rojas responded to my review of his book Fighting Over Fidel. Unfortunately, however, his reply practically ignored my main arguments and almost exclusively concerned itself with the least important points of my review.
Every historian makes mistakes. Historian Samuel Farber makes very few and that’s why his books, such as The Origins of the Cuban Revolution (2006) are compulsory reading texts in contemporary historiography. However, I’m afraid I can’t say the same thing about Samuel Farber as a reviewer.
It was — and still is — possible to criticize and oppose the social and political system established in Cuba while strongly reiterating opposition to US intervention whether it takes the form of military invasion, terrorist sponsorship, or economic blockade.