Guatemalan President: “We oppose banishment as a punishment”
The president of Guatemala explains why he agreed to receive the latest group of 135 banished Nicaraguan political prisoners. He also explains the related agreements with the U.S. government, and his posture regarding the Central American Integration System (SICA).
HAVANA TIMES – Bernardo Arevalo, president of Guatemala, expressed his opposition to the practice of “banishing” a country’s citizens as “punishment” for daring “to demand their rights.” That’s the reason his government took in the 135 Nicaraguan political prisoners who were released and banished on September 5th by the regime of Daniel Ortega. Five days later, the former prisoners were all stripped of their nationality and their assets were confiscated.
In an interview with Confidencial conducted in the Guatemalan capital, President Arevalo also explained the agreements with the United States government for the relocation of the banished prisoners, through the program known as “Safe Mobility.” He also gave details of the medical, psychological, housing, food, and immigration assistance his country has offered.
The Guatemalan leader spoke of the relationship his government maintains with that of Daniel Ortega and the “irregular way” the Nicaraguan authorities have tried to fill the vacuum left by the “irregular resignation” of Werner Vargas as Secretary General of the Central American Integration System (SICA) in November 2023.
“What the Central American countries have asked of the Nicaraguan government is for them to carry out these procedures in a regular manner, in order to be able to take them into consideration,” stressed the Guatemalan head of state.
Why did the United States government propose that you receive the group of 135 Nicaraguan political prisoners that Daniel Ortega had agreed to release and banish? And why did you decide to accept?
From the moment [US government officials] established contact with the Nicaraguan government about the possible release, they began considering what countries could serve as a temporary destination for these released prisoners, in order to provide space for processing the documents before identifying a definitive destination. They called us to ask if we’d be willing. My response was an immediate yes. We confirmed this willingness during the contacts we maintained along the way. Eventually, we coordinated all the data and everything needed to go forward, and because of that it all played out effectively.
Did they explain why they wanted to take them [the released Nicaraguans] to Guatemala instead of directly to the United States, as occurred with the first group of 222 political prisoners that were released in 2023?
They told us that, given that experience, they’d determined it would be more convenient to have a place where all the needed paperwork could be completed for granting asylum in accordance with the criteria and procedures that the United States maintains for this.
Alternatives for those banished to Guatemala
What alternatives are open to this group of 135 released political prisoners now in Guatemala?
If any of them wish to remain in Guatemala, Central Americans have the right to apply for permanent residency and even citizenship in Guatemala, for the fact of having been born on Central American soil. So that’s a path that’s automatically open to them.
What other countries might accept them through the program of Safe Mobility?
We have an agreement with the United States, through their Safe Mobility program, to receive Central American citizens while they’re undergoing immigration procedures with the US authorities. That’s the framework we used for this, but I understand that it is up to the refugees, the released prisoners, if they want to request some kind of arrangement or asylum in other countries.
For how long will this group of 135 released prisoners be offered housing and humanitarian assistance in Guatemala?
Right now, they have 90 days, which is what’s been agreed on. After that, if there’s no solution, we’ll see what conditions can be extended to them.
Will they remain in the hotels they’re now lodged in, or will there be other housing networks where they’ll be able to stay for those 90 days?
For these 90 days, they’ll stay where they’re currently lodged. That’s something that’s been arranged together with US government organizations such as the International Organization for Migration, as well as the UN high Commissioner for Refugees and others. It’s already set up, along with the technical, emotional, psychological, and food assistance are part of the package.
The regime of Daniel Ortega has used banishment as a tool of political repression. What’s the position of your government on the human rights violations in Nicaragua?
In principle, we’re opposed to the violation of human rights in any country of the world – in Latin America in general, and in Central America in particular. We ourselves have faced an exile of justice officials: judges, prosecutors, lawyers, journalists, people who have opposed the cooptation of justice that exists in our country and have been victims of the utilization of the justice system as a political tool. They’re criminalized, attacked; they’re harassed and forced to seek refuge in the United States, in Costa Rica, in Mexico. Hence, we understand perfectly this situation, and we’re against banishment as a means of punishing those who dare to demand that their citizens’ rights be respected.
No direct contact with Ortega
In these nearly nine months that you’ve been in power, have you spoken at any time with Daniel Ortega?
No, we haven’t spoken.
Why not?
There hasn’t been an opportunity.
The Central American Integration System (SICA) is paralyzed right now, with the Secretary General’s seat vacant. Why has your government refused to support the shortlist submitted by the Ortega regime, in particular the nomination of Valdrack Jaentschke, who’s now been appointed foreign minister in Nicaragua?
The procedures they followed weren’t in accordance with those established in the Central American regulations. At that time, the Nicaraguan government presented a shortlist, from which the person to preside over SICA was selected. Later, this person presented their resignation in an irregular manner, and the Nicaraguan government then presented an alternative, also in an irregular manner. What the Central American countries have asked of the Nicaraguan government is that they carry out these procedures in a regular manner in order to take them into consideration.
There’s been a lot of questioning about whether the Ortega regime plans to promote the agenda of countries such as Russia and China in SICA and in the region. What’s the position of your government on this?
We have extremely clear positions in terms of international politics. We recognize the government of Taiwan. We have diplomatic relations with them and a very active and dynamic program of collaboration and cooperation. We’ve been very clear in our absolute criticism of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, since we consider it a violation of the principles of international law and a terrible precedent in terms of the construction of a multilateral system anchored in the norms of international law. So, no matter who’s at the head of SICA, Guatemala’s positions on international politics are very clear and very firm.
In another interview, in reference to Nicaragua, you stated that the countries where there’s no democracy are affecting everyone. What impact does the situation in Nicaragua have on SICA or on the region?
I’m convinced, and history teaches us, that the struggle for democracy is a struggle that advances and is successful when it becomes a demand of the people and not of just one country. We talk about waves of democratization, because there are moments in which that kind of effervescence spills over in different countries of the world, causing people to go out and demand their place as citizens of a democratic state. And that impels the transformations and democratization of the countries. I believe that’s the logic of the strengthening of democracy – that in order for democracy to be strong in one country, it must be strong in all the countries. Hence, the job of promoting the strengthening of democracy is a job of an international character, precisely because the possibility for strengthening it at the national level lies in the success of that larger task.
Your government has taken a very clear position on the human rights violations in Nicaragua, and also on the situation of Venezuela. What can democratic countries like yours do about countries such as Nicaragua and Venezuela?
Show our solidarity with all the people who are struggling for democracy, and those whose rights are being denied, and collaborate in the search for solutions, so that every one of these countries finds a route that will allow them to break those circles and find their road towards a process of democratization.
First published in Spanish by Confidencial and translated and posted in English by Havana Times.