The Mark of the April 2018 Rebellion in Nicaragua
Interview with student leader Lesther Alemán
Lesther Alemán: Within the opposition, there’s consensus about the role of the demand for justice in a democratic transition
By Carlos F. Chamorro (Confidencial)
HAVANA TIMES – On April 18, it will be seven years since the outbreak of the civic uprising that, over the course of 100 days, put the Ortega-Murillo dictatorship under severe pressure in 2018 and marked a turning point in the country’s history.
Lesther Alemán, then a student at the Central American University (UCA), was one of the leading figures in the student protests that ignited the national rebellion and openly challenged dictator Daniel Ortega during the first National Dialogue.
Seven years later, Alemán is a former political prisoner, exiled and stripped of his nationality. He graduated with a degree in social communication from the now-confiscated UCA and earned a master’s degree in strategic communication from Loyola University in Andalusia, Spain. He is also a leader of the Nicaraguan University Alliance (AUN).
In an interview for Esta Semana—which now airs on Confidencial’s YouTube channel due to television censorship in Nicaragua—I asked him about the relevance of the demands from the April Rebellion under the current police state and the regime’s attempt to erase the protests from national memory.
“April is a historical event, a milestone born from a society that had grown tired of so much violence against it,” Aleman said. “For the first time, it reclaimed its human dignity, and from there, a new vision for the country emerged. Civic awareness is indelible.”
Alemán believes Rosario Murillo’s attempt to mobilize state employees is a “failed effort.” He argues that “a government-organized march of public employees and the regime’s propaganda cannot erase what history has already defined as the beginning of the end of the dictatorship.”
Rosario Murillo’s Failure
On Tuesday, April 1, co-dictator Rosario Murillo is calling on her supporters to march—not to commemorate the April civic uprising, but to celebrate the violent crackdown carried out by police and paramilitaries, which left more than 350 dead, thousands injured, and tens of thousands in exile.
How do you interpret this so-called celebration by the regime?
Lesther Aleman: The Nicaragua that existed before April 2018 is gone. Today, the dictatorship faces a society with greater civic awareness, a people who have rediscovered the significance of political participation and citizen engagement—realities that cannot be erased.
The regime’s attempts to rewrite history are desperate acts of fear. Unfortunately, public employees are forced to participate in suffocating marches that ultimately work against them. These failed efforts, whether through state-sponsored demonstrations or government propaganda, cannot undo what history has already marked as the beginning of the dictatorship’s downfall.
After seven years under a police state, what legacy does the April rebellion leave for Nicaraguans?
April is a historical milestone, the result of a society that had endured too much repression and violence. It was the moment when people finally reclaimed their human dignity, a shift that is still deeply felt among Nicaraguans. It awakened the best in us—we are now a more humane and less individualistic society. And from that moment on, a vision of a new country began to take shape.
The dictatorship’s strategy has been to extinguish any lingering flame of resistance, which is why imprisonment and exile have been key tactics. But their strategy of statelessness is becoming obsolete. Those who were children in 2018 are now young adults, and those who were young adults are now more mature. This awareness is irreversible. You cannot fight against history or erase the experiences of an entire generation that has spent the last seven years resisting and imagining a better country without dictatorship.
The Frustration of Young Nicaraguans
The generation of university students who sparked the national rebellion—many are now in exile, while others are trying to complete their degrees or have entered the workforce. What is the current situation for young people in Nicaragua’s universities and high schools?
There is a strong sense of frustration in the universities that were confiscated, where enrollment numbers have not met the regime’s expectations. Many students tried to finish their degrees under the new authorities, but it was made impossible for them. As a result, they’ve had to transfer to private universities—of which only two remain.
The political will to continue engaging with us is complex. Some young people are reactivating their involvement as they break free from the indoctrination imposed by these confiscated universities. But not everyone faces the same reality. Rural youth, who lack access to higher education, are also being persecuted by political operatives of the ruling Sandinista party (FSLN).
High school seniors today were children when, in 2018, Sandinista flags were torn down in public schools. While they may not have staged a similar act, many are resisting in other ways—refusing to attend government-organized meetings or events. Through technology, they remain connected with student and youth movements abroad.
Obviously, it’s not easy, but the rejection of the regime is evident every day. The dictatorship’s responses to social problems are inadequate, and young people no longer see the Ortega-Murillo regime as the answer to their demands as citizens.
The “Word-of-Mouth” Resistance
The Nicaraguan University Alliance, AUN, which you belong to, has been criminalized, and many of its members have been imprisoned. How can you engage in politics in Nicaragua today? What are the main demands of young people?
We are connected across two realities—inside and outside Nicaragua. The situation within the country is far more dire because now, organizing, recruiting, and convincing young people to get involved happens only through word-of-mouth.
We’ve regressed even further than the underground organizing of the past because fear and surveillance have intensified. Young people’s main concerns are job opportunities and access to higher education abroad. Many feel compelled to migrate due to the suffocating conditions created by the dictatorship. Another major issue is the high cost of living.
These struggles are deeply tied to the broader demand for democracy, justice, and collective memory. But above all, young people and teenagers are facing a lack of opportunities. Some, as young as 15 or 16, haven’t even been able to obtain their national ID cards because the government obstructs the process for those whose parents are labeled as opposition. These tactics only fuel resentment among young people—whether it’s preventing their grandmother or uncle from entering the country or denying them basic rights.
Despite these barriers, young people are coming together to stay informed and engaged. Even though there may not be visible results in Nicaragua, activism continues outside the country.
Has the regime’s narrative of an attempted “coup” gained traction among young people? The government stigmatizes those who supported the protests, labeling them as coup plotters.
The government’s strategy of branding the opposition as “stateless traitors,” and targeting their families and friends, has only deepened public rejection of the regime. The “coup” narrative is an outright farce that collapses in the face of historical facts. Some people have aligned with the dictatorship out of necessity, choosing to cohabit with the regime for survival. But many young people remain clear-headed, refusing to adopt the rhetoric coming from El Carmen [the presidential residence].
This generation thinks about democracy, human rights, and the rule of law—topics that weren’t part of young people’s conversations before but remain at the forefront today. Rosario Murillo’s discourse has not resonated with them.
If the regime believes it can eradicate all traces of opposition, it is making a grave mistake. A generation was forged in the April 2018 uprising, and it is fully aware that the only way to undo seven years of repression is by bringing down the dictatorship. These young people are waiting for the right moment to join a peaceful movement for change.
The Nicaraguan opposition in exile—does it have a proposal for democratic transition? Is there any coordinated strategy to support underground activism within the country? Many people ask, “Who is the opposition? Where is the opposition?”
Over the past two years, international advocacy has set the tone. Much of the strategy has focused on paving the way for a negotiation process that could shift the balance of power in Nicaragua. Not all organizations have the same level of international engagement—some face greater limitations, especially in maintaining connections inside the country.
For us, as a younger movement, there is more willingness, more visible frustration. In 2021, under a state of siege, we held a congress that brought together over 600 young people. That boldness gives us more flexibility than other organizations. Still, we’ve had to rely more on word-of-mouth activism, even though it takes longer to build momentum.
The Role of Justice in Transition
The regime is becoming more centralized under the co-presidency of Rosario Murillo. Internal tensions could eventually trigger a political crisis. If the dictatorship falls, will the opposition be prepared for what comes next? Who would represent Nicaragua in negotiations for a democratic transition?
Yes, there are organizations that, since April 2018, have taken on the role of negotiating. If the time comes for dialogue or for representative voices from the opposition to step forward, we are ready for that responsibility.
But this is not about striking a deal where we split power 50-50 with the dictatorship. It’s about establishing a legitimate political dialogue with the international community and defining strategic pathways for the future. Over these seven years, various movements have emerged, but when the time comes for real negotiations, only a few will take on that responsibility.
Unity comes from shared goals. If we agree on the need for peaceful, civic-led change, then we will see a coalition of national representatives emerge. Civic awareness is also a key part of the opposition. When the conditions for dialogue are in place, there are competent and committed individuals ready to take part.
The transition out of this crisis must be peaceful, civic, and orderly. Those who embrace this approach will represent the majority or at least a large enough portion of society to ensure stability and progress.
What role does justice play in a democratic transition, given that this dictatorship was imposed by force in 2018 and 2019 and later eliminated elections in 2021?
Justice is one of the few areas where there is no disagreement within the opposition. While different groups may have diverging views on other topics, there is broad consensus on the need for justice—it is the foundation for unity in all other matters.
One major achievement of the opposition has been advancing cases against Ortega to the International Criminal Court, with strong backing from the international community. No one disputes the need for accountability. The victims of this regime—the families of those murdered, imprisoned, forcibly disappeared, and now rendered stateless—are the ones setting the agenda for justice and international condemnation.
Justice has been one of our core demands, and it will remain so. Preserving historical memory is crucial to ensuring that Nicaragua never repeats these horrors.