Cuba: Criminalizing Protests Won’t Stop Citizen Discontent
HAVANA TIMES – Recently, protests have broken out in some parts of the country, such as Gibara, over prolonged blackouts and shortages. It is in this context that the People’s Supreme Court and the newspaper Granma reported on the trial in Bayamo of 16 people who participated in the demonstrations of March 2024, which were described as “riots.”
The published account mentions “public disorder, assault, resistance, contempt, carrying and possession of illegal weapons, disobedience, and incitement to commit crimes,” but, as usual, it does not give voice to any of the demonstrators nor present the arguments of the defense.
The fact that this trial is taking place a year later, and just days after reports of new protests, serves as a reminder that in Cuba, demonstrating—even peacefully—can amount to exposing oneself to judicial prosecution.
People know this. But for years, the “established mechanisms” for channeling concerns have ceased to generate trust. The population survives without institutions offering spaces or avenues to improve reality. So far, no one seems to be taking responsibility or providing concrete solutions to the daily situation of Cubans. Faced with this vacuum, the streets become the last resort to voice demands.
This does not mean justifying vandalism, but it does mean distinguishing between violence and the legitimate right to citizen protest.
Although the Constitution recognizes the right to assembly and demonstration, to this day no regulation exists to guarantee its exercise, and numerous provisions allow the criminalization of what should be understood as civic participation—with all the positive value it can bring to strengthening public life and opening spaces for dialogue that currently remain closed.
Is Protest Possible in Cuba?
Thus, what should be discussed openly ends up surfacing only on social media. Meanwhile, the official media once again remain silent, limiting themselves to reproducing government press releases.
In contrast with the news about demonstrators facing trials, citizens have questions no one answers: What trials are faced by those who share responsibility for the national crisis? What consequences have authorities borne for their poor performance? What is known about the proceedings against former Economy Minister Alejandro Gil?
Protest is nothing more than a form of popular oversight, in which citizens publicly express their discontent and hardships—often after turning, without response, to other established mechanisms.
Therefore, demonstrations are nothing but a symptom of the public discontent expressed in many other areas of society. Yet in this context, the National Assembly remains unanimous and complacent, failing to carry out its function not only of passing long-postponed necessary laws but also of holding accountable those in positions of decision-making power.
Talking about “resisting” is incoherent in political discourse when it is evident that some endure more sacrifices than others. In a context of declining quality of life for the majority, the country’s leadership should lead by example with austerity. Instead, images of top leaders and their families on trips, at parties, and in luxury hotels are increasingly frequent—something that also fuels public discontent.
Reducing protests to manipulation by the opposition or to the effects of US unilateral coercive measures is also unconvincing to citizens, as it implies ignoring the government’s own share of responsibility and its lack of willingness to acknowledge it.
Hence, what is essential is to accept these expressions as a citizen right, stop criminalizing them, and open effective channels of dialogue. Above all, it is necessary to begin by frankly acknowledging the failures of domestic policies that have deepened shortages and inequalities. Until accountability and solutions arrive, the conditions that drive people to protest will only continue to worsen.
First published in Spanish by La Joven Cuba and translated and posted in English by Havana Times.